By Zahid Hussain
After September eleven, 2001, Pakistan's president, Pervez Musharraf, vowed to struggle extremism in his state and has due to the fact proven himself as a key best friend in America's "global conflict on terror." yet as veteran Pakistani journalist and commentator Zahid Hussain unearths during this publication, Musharraf is in an very unlikely place. The Pakistani military and intelligence companies are completely penetrated by way of jihadists. in truth, the present executive got here into energy via its aid of radical Islamist teams, similar to these battling in Kashmir.
Based on unique interviews with key gamers and grassroots radicals, Hussain exposes the threads of Pakistan's advanced political energy net and the implications of Musharraf's choice to aid the U.S.'s force opposed to jihadism, which basically took Pakistan to struggle with itself. He recounts the origins and nature of the jihadi move in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the long-standing and sometimes denied hyperlinks among militants and Pakistani experts, the weaknesses of successive elected governments, and the demanding situations to Musharraf's authority posed by means of politico-religious, sectarian, and civil society parts in the country.
The jihadi madrassas of Pakistan are incubators of the main feared terrorists on the planet. Osama bin weighted down himself is thought to be hiding with regards to the Pakistani border. even supposing the country's "war on terror" has up to now been a level convey, a really genuine conflict is looming, the result of in order to have grave implications for the long run safeguard of the world.
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Extra info for Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam
His political career owed much to his father’s close links with General Ghulam Jilani. The former ISI chief, who was appointed by Zia as governor of Pakistan’s most powerful Punjab province as a reward for his role in the 1977 coup, groomed Sharif as the alternative leader to Benazir. He was appointed Punjab’s finance minister in 1981 and, a couple of years later, he rose to the post of Chief Minister. Sharif was a man of very mediocre talents. He had neither charisma nor any political roots when he was chosen by General Zia to head the government of Pakistan’s most powerful province.
The Chief of Army Staff remained the power behind the scenes in alliance with the new President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who held sweeping powers under the Eighth Amendment in the constitution introduced by General Zia. For the army, the new political situation offered power without responsibility. The military continued to oversee Pakistan’s policies on Afghanistan and India, managing relations with the USA and controlling the country’s nuclear weapons programme. The army high 24 Frontline Pakistan command’s decision to rest content with dominance, rather than direct intervention, was based on a careful calculation of the advantages and disadvantages of playing arbiter in Pakistan’s highly polarized and conflict-ridden political scene.
Colonel Imam and other ISI officers posted in Kandahar covertly worked to buy off commanders’ loyalties for the Taliban. 32 The meteoric rise of the Taliban movement owed much to the backing of Islamabad and help from Pakistani Islamic parties. Thousands of Pakistani students from madrasas in the border areas were dispatched to Afghanistan in 1997 to join the Taliban forces in the battle for Mazari-Sharif. Madrasas in the North West Frontier Province and Balochistan were closed down for months to allow students to participate in the ‘holy war’.
Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam by Zahid Hussain