By Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung
This paper sheds gentle at the actions of non-armed participants of ethnic minorities in Burma, insufficiently studied actors within the traditional learn of ethnic politics in Burma that has lengthy been ruled by means of a spotlight on ethnonational armed resistance teams and ceasefire teams. targeting the Kachin, Karen, Mon, and Shan ethnic teams, the learn describes 9 significant fiscal, political, and geographical different types of civilian adventure, by means of 4 contributions that non-armed individuals of ethnic minority teams may well make to the political procedure: (1) aiding the established order, (2) reworking or undermining the established order, (3) selling collective identification and tradition and addressing humanitarian wishes, and (4) aiding to mediate ceasefire agreements. The examine demonstrates the necessity to concentrate on the whole diversity of nonviolent political activities that exist between ethnic minority populations and argues that coverage responses needs to glance past the function of armed teams and turn into extra delicate to the desires of the varied participants of ethnic groups.
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Additional resources for Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar)
The Mon are probably the only major national group in Burma with few obvious internal differences. 2 million in 2011 (Government of Burma 1986; CIA 2011). Some Mon activists in exile claim that their population is as large as 4 million. Mons live on the plains in the Mon state, in the Pegu region and the Irrawaddy delta, and along the southern Thai-Burma border. There are few variations in Mon regional dialects. They share many cultural Beyond Armed Resistance 17 characteristics with the majority Burman population, similarly living mostly in lowland areas and being predominantly Buddhist.
Members of parliament and ordinary citizens learned from this painful experience that open confrontational approaches had failed to overthrow the resilient military regime, which continued to rule the country for another 10 years. Despite the unhappy outcome of the 1990 election for opposition parties, when the prospect of elections reappeared, many members of ethnic minorities again found political parties and electoral contests an attractive option—mainly because they saw the election as the only alternative to the existing deadlock and were willing to take advantage of a number of opening spaces promised by the new constitution.
Some individuals who work for such organizations are paid salaries, but membership in most local organizations is voluntary, and members are drawn from a diverse group of the first three categories of non-armed ethnic minority populations: everyone from farmers and daily wage earners to business tycoons and civil servants. Members of Government-Organized “NGOs” This category includes members of state-controlled mass organizations such as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), Maternal and Child Welfare Association, and Myanmar Red Cross Society.
Beyond Armed Resistance: Ethnonational Politics in Burma (Myanmar) by Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung