By John S. Saul
Two decades on from the autumn of apartheid in South Africa, veteran analyst and activist John S. Saul examines the liberation fight, putting it in a nearby and worldwide context and looking out at how the preliminary optimism and desire has given strategy to a feeling of concern following hovering inequality degrees and the bloodbath of employees at Marikana.
With chapters on South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique, Saul examines the truth of southern Africa’s post-'liberation' plight, drawing at the insights of Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral and assessing claims new 'precariat' has emerged.
Saul examines the continuing 'rebellion of the poor', together with the new Marikana bloodbath, that experience shaken the quarter and will sign the opportunity of a brand new and extra hopeful destiny.
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Extra info for A Flawed Freedom: Rethinking Southern African Liberation
For the suspicion of peasants – as of any genuinely democratic empowerment of the mass of the population from below – proved to run deep in Tanzania and the same, for all their criticisms of Tanzania’s own practice, was equally true of the Mozambican leadership. ) of “the people,” such class descriptors were all too readily collapsed into merely populist categories – instead of their facilitating a view of such “classes” as being potentially “empowerable” in genuinely radical terms. As Leander Schneider (one of the most careful and incisive of all scholars of the “ujamaa vijini” initiative) suggests, in this central rural policy several of the most inspiring strands of Nyerere’s politics flow together – in particular, an exemplary commitment to improving the condition of the poor, as well as his theorizing about the nexus of development, freedom, empowerment, and participation.
However, as this article in the Wall Street Journal continues, In spite of these apparent benefits this has contributed little to the country’s development. Initial investment in the project amounted to approximately 40 percent of GDP, but only created around 1,500 jobs, of which nearly a third are held by foreigners. The smelters use more electricity than the rest of Mozambique combined. The company imports most of its raw material and equipment duty-free, and enjoys an extensive list of incentives ranging from discounted electricity to a prolonged tax holiday.
True, he did continue to offer a usefully critical voice, remaining one of the sharpest commentators on the negative role of the International Financial Institutions/IFIs until the very end of his life. 11 Yet Nyerere did counsel staying the course of the struggle in the southern part of the continent and it is also true that with regard to Frelimo in Mozambique, for example, he backed, against the strident opposition of some of his own ministers, the most committed of the movement’s leaders in the internal struggle that followed the assassination of Eduardo Mondlane.
A Flawed Freedom: Rethinking Southern African Liberation by John S. Saul