# Read e-book online A computational approach to the syntax of displacement and PDF

By Christina Unger

ISBN-10: 9460930212

ISBN-13: 9789460930218

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So, merging complex expressions amounts to merging their nuclei, while the edges are carried along further. Our derivation would proceed as follows (note that it turns out important that the category of who was associated with the nucleus): merge (meet :: NP → (NP< → VP), meet) whowh :: String, ( :: NP, who) = whowh :: String, merge (meet :: NP → (NP< → VP), meet) ( :: NP, who) = whowh :: String, (meet :: NP< → VP, (meet who)) That is, whowh is kept at the edge, while egorization requirements. serves to satisfy the verb’s subcat- 60 A syntactic procedure for displacement 4 Until now we can handle the bottom and middle of a dependency.

Moreover, it did not behave like other displacement rules in that it was not feature-driven but applied only in order to assign semantic scope. g. Reinhart [90]). Another kind of adjustment leaves the syntactic operations and structures as they are and instead changes the semantic operations. These adjustments are mainly based on the observation that situ wh-expressions show no sign of covert displacement and also in other respects differ from their displaced sibblings. This suggests that displacement is not essential to the interpretation of in situ wh-phrases and that languages have a different strategy to deal with them.

Whom1 did Gilgamesh think [that the gods favored him]? 1 more than Second, in the presence of a scope marker, the scope marker determines the clause over which the wh-operator takes scope. This is illustrated for Japanese in the following examples. 52b), it marks the matrix clause. The scope of the wh-operator behaves accordingly. 52) Japanese (Boˇskovi´c [122], Cresti [29]) a. Peter-wa [anata-ga dare-o mita-ka] tazuneta. ’ b. Kimi-wa [dare-ga kai-ta hon-o yomi-masi-ta]-ka? ’ Third, for in situ wh-expressions without an obligatory scope marker there are two possibilities.